The Henson Journals

[22]

Monday, October 31st, 1921.

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My dear Ernest,

I was pleased to hear that your anti–Socialist debate went off so well. Our main danger of revolution arises less from the arguments of the revolutionaries than from the growth among the workers of the disaffected habit of mind which makes them disinclined to work honestly, and disposed to take up with anything that promises change. It is very difficult to fight an atmosphere; and yet it is, precisely, this atmosphere of disaffection which is the enemy we have to fight.

I would advise you to have as little to do as possible with crusades which have to do with "sexual morality". Mostly, I am persuaded, they do more harm than good. The mere massing together of adolescents, [in whom [for the most obvious reasons] the sexual instincts are precisely most dominating,] ^ for the purposes of publicly discussion the delicate & difficult subject of sexual morality ^ is to create a situation very far from conducive to purity; [and the handling of an extremely dangerous subject often in great detail and gross emphasis is certain to draw into activity all the uncleanness there is in the audience.] This is not a ̭ matter ̭ [subject] to be dealt with in public ̭ meetings ̭ [and in mass]. Nor is it a subject which most men can wisely handle anywhere.

"Keep thyself pure" was S. Paul's counsel to his spiritual son. I believe that, in so far as we severally take that counsel to heart, and follow it, we make the best contribution in our power to the larger cause of social purity. I am quite sure, reviewing [my experience] ^ the 34 years ^ since I was ordained, that the enormous efforts to advocate sexual purity by public meetings, literature, and organisations, so far from having raised the level of behaviour have even tended to lower it. Given a habit of self–respect which covers much more than sexual purity, and that matter can be left ^ to the individual ^ without danger. In the absence of the self–respecting habit, all the instructions & exhortations in the world are futile.

You speak darkly of "finding yourself on the hustings", by which I suppose you mean standing for Parliament. Of course, if you were to get entrance into the political arena, your whole [23] [symbol] tone and tendency would be directed away from Holy Orders: and yet, unless Holy Orders fills your heart, and unless you can give up your life to it, I do not see how you could feel that "you are inwardly moved by the Holy Ghost" to be ordained. Nor do I think it right in itself that you should play with the notion of Ordination as if it were just one of a series of courses open to you, instead of that to which God is calling you. Therefore, before you think about any other career, make up your mind definitely as to This.

Always affectionately yours,

Herbert Dunelm :

I thought your letter on "Prohibition" was excellent both in form and in substance.

I sent a telegram to Birchington, and spent the day in my study, mostly reading Sir Walter Scott's "Journal".

When his wife was dying he notes that she could no longer cut his hair. "Also my servant cut my hair, which used to be poor Charlotte's personal task. I hope she will not observe it." This is interesting as illustrating the similar custom of the late Mrs Moale who, according to Macdonald, was accustomed to cut my predecessor's hair. It may have been the case that the lady was exhibiting less eccentricity or a zeal for economy, than a stedfast adherence to an old and vanishing custom.

The papers report a speech of the Duke of Northumberland, in which his Grace makes a vigorous attack on the Government, and announces his resolve to "break away" from the Coalition. [This is only another expression of the revolt of the Cecils.] It does not appear that the Duke's announcement made much impression on the Tories of Northumberland. The fact is that, while nobody likes, or wholly believes in, the policy of granting Ireland full Dominion status, yet everybody shrinks with horror from the only possible alternative to that policy, viz. suppression of the Sinn Fein movement by military force i.e. civil war. Many doubt whether the re–conquest of Ireland may not be beyond our power.

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