The Henson Journals

[188]

Friday, October 22nd, 1920.

Today I must set to work on the Glasgow sermon in good earnest. What is it that I really want to say? What is that which the Dissenters are wont to call my "message"? Until that question can be clearly answered, I may string sentences together more or less successfully, but I cannot compose a sermon. Mainly I think it is in my mind to plead the duty of more responsible speaking on the part of religious people in the matters of economic affairs. The circumstances in which I must preach almost compelled me to bring my preaching to bear on the Strike, directly or indirectly. I can't wisely declare an open antagonism to the policy & practice of the Trade Unions, but I might perhaps, point in the direction which would present both as extremely questionable. Also, I wish to emphasize the danger of failing to bear moral witness in an anxiety to sympathize with popular policies. The motive of much "Labour" agitation is not "divine discontent", but sheer envy, and the arguments mainly employed are those which appeal to the lowest elements of human character. Yet, it is the settled practice of modern ecclesiastics, in speaking about social & economic questions, to assume that "working men" are esentially altruistic, and (albeit, perhaps, over zealously & not too wisely) are seeking to establish Christ's Kingdom on earth. Dishonesty, bad faith, tyrrany, envy, materialism of temper & aim – all these (which assuredly have a great place in current Labour policies) are ignored, & unrebuked. Language is used which implies that the rich are still the oppressors of the poor, & that artisans who can hardly get rid of the money they have, are still properly described as "the poor".

[189]

I do think Christians, as such, have no special illumination in the economic sphere: that contempt of the "laws" which social experience has disclosed, & is disclosing, is not only practically foolish, but also essentially wrong: that the Christian life has to fit itself in to economic conditions, just as it must fit itself in to laws of science: that economic conditions may be wrongly described and imagined, but that this fact only calls for more careful & honest research: that the now fashionable method of "taking the Kingdom of heaven by violence" viz: imposing terms on the economic process in the Name of Christ is utterly unsound: that there is no easy road to economic stability & comfort.

The news today is not comfortable, for the action of the railwaymen in announcing that they will come out on strike next Sunday at midnight unless a settlement of the miners' dispute is effected by tomorrow almost compels the inference that control of the Labour movement has passed into the hands of the extreme men, and that the extreme men are resolved to precipitate a revolution. Frank Hodges, Cramp, & Williams are the evil trinity who are now in power. The so–called moderate–men will fall into line with the majority. It is obvious enough that the Government position is rendered vastly more difficult by the action of the Railwaymen. The situation is about as bad as can be imagined. There are few troops in the country, almost the whole army being now gathered in Ireland: the number of unemployed (apart from strikers) increases daily, and the winter is at hand. Prices still raise steadily.

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